Elections Commissioner Dayananda Dissanayake yesterday (18 March) ruled out the possibility of having foreign monitors at the counting centers for the forthcoming General election.
The Elections Commissioner said that none of the political parties made such a request on the nominations day.
The main Opposition, the United National Party has sent a written request to the Elections Commissioner asking for the presence of foreign poll observers at the counting centers to ensure accuracy of election results.
The Elections Commissioner has turned down this request saying that the request should have been made on the day nominations were submitted.
Reporters Without Borders condemns the arrest of a journalist close to Sarath Fonseka, the former armed forces chief who was President Mahinda Rajapaksa’s main challenger in January’s election, and calls on the authorities to release him at once.
“We are outraged by Ruwan Weerakoon’s arrest,” Reporters Without Borders said. “What we feared has come about. The decision to prosecute him is part of a witch-hunt against the relatives and supporters of Gen. Fonseka, who is himself under arrest. The police and judicial authorities have again abused their powers in order to silence an opposition journalist.”
The press freedom organisation added: “Just a month ago, President Rajapaksa ordered the police to personally inform him before any arrest of media personnel. We would like to know if presidential consent was obtained before this journalist’s arrest.”
Weerakoon, who was arrested earlier this week, writes regularly on defence issues for two newspapers, the Nation and Bottom Line, and the Asia Tribune website. It was as a defence correspondent that he became close to Gen. Fonseka when the latter was in command of the army during the final stage of the war against the Tamil Tiger rebels in May 2009.
Five media organisation issued a joint statement today condemning his arrest. “We ask the inspector general of police to disclose the reasons behind his arrest and detention and make arrangements for him to receive legal aid immediately,” the statement said.
Prior to being arrested, Weerakoon was hospitalised under a police guard after suffering a heart attack brought on by the pressure he has been under for several weeks.
Sri Lankan media groups Thursday protested against the arrest of a reporter close to Sarath Fonseka, the detained ex-army chief who tried to unseat the president in recent elections.
The groups issued a joint statement demanding the release of Ruwan Weerakoon, a reporter with the Nation newspaper, who was arrested this week.
"We request the Inspector General of Police to disclose the reasons behind the arrest and detention of Ruwan Weerakoon and make arrangements for him to receive legal aid immediately," the statement added.
Weerakoon maintained close contact with Fonseka when the general led the military during the final phase of last year's war against Tamil Tiger rebels.
Fonseka was an ally of President Mahinda Rajapakse when the rebel Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) were crushed in May, but the two men later fell out and contested the presidency in January's elections.
Fonseka was arrested soon after losing the poll and appeared in front of a court martial this week. The case was adjourned.
Local and international rights groups have accused Rajapakse of cracking down on dissent, a charge the government has denied.
Sri Lanka's five media organisations have condemned the arrest of defense correspondent Ruwan Weerakoon, who worked for The Nation and the Bottom Line newspapers in Colombo and Asia Tribune website, by the Terrorist Investigation Division (TID) few days ago and demand his immediate release. The joint statement was issued by Sri Lanka Working Journalists Association (SLWJA), Free Media Movement (FMM), Sri Lanka Tamil Journalists Alliance (SLTJA), Sri Lanka Muslim Media Forum (SLMFF) and Federation of Media Employee Trade Union (FMEPU).
"As a defense correspondent journalist Ruwan Weerakoon had a close association with General( Rtd.)Sarath Fonseka during the last phase of the war with LTTE and it was reported that because of this association he received death threats from a navy commander in early 2009. In our opinion the arrest of Ruwan Weerakoon, which seems to be a politically motivated victimization is direct result of his journalism practice" the statement said.
"We request the Inspector General of Police to disclose the reasons behind the arrest and detention of Ruwan Weerakoon and make arrangements for him to receive legal aid immediately, if the TID intends to keep him in detention.
"It was just a month ago the president Mahinda Rajapaksha ordered police to inform him before arresting any media personal. Our organisations would like to know whether that procedure was followed in arresting Ruwan Weerakoon and presidential consent was obtain for the arrest."
Ravi Vellore - In August 2008, after spending a week in Colombo, I stuck my neck out to suggest in a long article for the Straits Times that Sri Lanka's long drawn civil war may finally be heading for a close.
At the time some thought I was too optimistic. The Tigers were considered invincible. But the Tamil Tiger "headquarters" of Killinochchi fell in late December and suddenly the world sat up and took notice of an entirely new scenario developing on the island.
In May last year, I was in Colombo again when Sri Lankan troops fished out Tiger supremo Velupillai Prabhakaran's body from a lagoon.
Alongside, the army had managed to wipe out the entire leadership of the Tigers, who had, suprisingly for a guerilla force, apparently congregated at one location.
The exact circumstances of the end of the war will never be known for years. Some say the Tigers were eliminated even as they sought a surrender.
The end of the war was followed by a surge of majority-Sinhala triumphalism with huge cutouts of President Rajapaksa, Defence Secretary Gotabaya and army chief Sarath Fonseka appearing all over the populous central and south of the island.
Those posters have now disappeared. The Rajapaksas fell out with their former army chief, who then unsuccessfully mounted a political challenge for the presidency.
Fonseka was subsequently bounced out of his party office and is currently undergoing court martial.
This week, President Rajapaksa received me in his Temple Trees residence on Colombo's Galle Road for what his advisers called a "nice, long chat."
Sitting with Central Bank Governor Cabraal, Secretary to President Lalith Weeratunge and Information Director Lucien Rajakarunanayake, Mr Rajapaksa spoke for two hours in a formal interview during which he pulled no punches. He then took me indoors for an hour long informal conversation over lunch.
Here are some excerpts from the interview:
Q. What would be topmost on your agenda after the poll? With the presidential and parliamentary polls out of the way you have an open road for five years.
A. Of course, the peace settlement is a must. Then there is the economic challenge. In the four years I was president I have doubled per capita income to US$2,014 (S$2,806). My target is to double this to US$4,000 by the end of my tenure in office. Remember this took place was when the war was on. With infrastructure, development, we can do it.
We had noticed that all the development was taking place in Colombo and its neighbourhood. I think this was because all the leaders were from Colombo (guffawing). They gave roads, electricity, good schools... were only in Colombo. My intention is to build the rural economy through infrastructure. Which is why Hambantota.
Q. You are consciously shifting some of the economic weight to the South?
A. Yes, well to the whole country, including the North and South.
Q. So, there might be an international airport in Jaffna some day?
A. Yes, we might be able to do it. In the old days we used to fly from Jaffna to Tiruchy in India. At the moment I am developing the airport in the South. We will see after we finish that. Palaly airfield in Jaffna is now an air force base. If these mad fellows give up their Eelam dream — which will never happen as long as I am here — we can think about it. They must give that up.
Q. Are these pro-LTTE people still active?
A. It is more outside Sri Lanka than within the country. There are (expatriate Tamil) people living on this Eelam thing. They have their own agenda. They live on this. And the people who are collecting money abroad for the LTTE have lost their living because Tamils are not willing to contribute funds anymore. So, they want something to happen here to impress and activate them.
Many Tamils want to come back. The second generation and third generation Tamils aren't Sri Lankans really. They can't speak a word of Tamil or Sinhala. It's true for Sinhalese outside as well. But a lot of the educated people who went abroad, they have come here. From Canada I had a lawyer... leads a very comfortable life there, but he wants to come and invest and work here.
Right-thinking people know they can come and do business here. In Colombo, business is largely controlled by Tamils. We had 90 per cent Sinhalese some 30 years ago, but now the Sinhalese are 27 per cent. The approach to my house is lined by Muslim Tamil homes on both sides. The other day I called all of them into my home for a meal.
Q. What is this model Sri Lanka you have in mind?
A. To be a hub for education, for aviation. shipping, communications and tourism. We are building five ports around the country. We are expanding Colombo Port, we are building Hambantota. There is Kankesanthurai in the North. And we aren't mentioning Trincomalee because it is a naval base at the moment. We are building a new international airport after 60 years.
When I went to Kandy they said you are building ports and airports in Hambantota but you aren't giving us anything. I said if you can bring the sea through the Mahaveli irrigation project I can consider a port for you. One can think of a seaplane facility at the Victioria Reservoir. I am surprised at some of the things that even educated people can say.
Q. You wrote about a "full reconciliation program". What does this mean?
A. This is what I believe. That without peace, there is no development. And without development, there is no peace. You go to a village or a farm and go to a student or a man who is in a relief camp and ask him. Do you want constitutional amendments? Their answer invariably is: 'We want a house', or 'we want to educate my child. We want electricity.' This is what they will ask.
If you develop these areas there will be a new generation that will emerge and new politicians. This is why I went for elections knowing that people in the north of Sri Lanka will not support me. Actually I was surprised I got a quarter of the votes polled there. I went there, spoke to them in Tamil. They knew development was coming. It shows development has value.
Q. What would be the political contours of this program? What pieces do you need to put in place in order to get there?
A. This is what I want to discuss with the new MPs after the election.
I visited a refugee camp once for a function. A Colombo lawyer who was supporting us said if the North and Eastern provinces could be merged that would help us. I was listening. At that point a young man got up and said: Sir, please don't divide the country again. We were traitors to our country. Better keep us under one umbrella. So, in my speech, I said he gave the answer. I will not merge North and East, I shall merge the whole country. If we concede to the merger call, the Muslims will ask for a province. After that, the Burghers could come, and there other communities, too.
Q. Even so, isn't there some merit in the federalist principle as a solution? It has worked in India, in Switzerland.
A. Federalism is a dirty word in Sri Lanka. It is linked so much with separation. If I want to leave politics and go home, the best way is to talk of federalism. They won't accept me after that. I am a politician, no? The actual situation is, see this country. This is not an India, a huge country. You cannot forget the history of Sri Lanka.
Right now, just because all the Chief Ministers are from my party, I have some control over them. But they do have enormous powers. They even have Security Council meetings. If you give them the powers they will do whatever they want. They might say Indian Tamils cannot come here… to their areas.
Q. What about implementing the 13th Amendment? Especially, handing over police powers and control over land to Provincial Council governments?
A. We must discuss with them. The 13th Amendment is there. Other than the police powers we have given them all the powers to the provincial councils. We have nothing to do with land. What can I do when there has been no Provincial Council in North? But there must be some (central) control. I have seen people even giving away irrigation reservoirs to friends and business partners to be filled up.
As for police powers, knowing my people, I would say, please do not devolve that power. See what happened when Sonia Gandhi went to Uttar Pradesh (and Chief Minister Mayawati, who is opposed to the Congress party, denied her permission to enter her constituency). They are fighting for control of the police. You know, chief ministers are chief ministers.
I have learnt from India. You think I would make the same mistake? See what happened in Mumbai. It took eight hours to fly in the National Security Guard commandos because they needed the requisite permissions.
Q. What options are opening up now there is peace?
A. We are a non-aligned country. That is our approach. I do not have to shape policy as such. Anybody who helped me I was ready to accept. But unfortunately, the countries decided on themselves not to help us in development work or in the fight against terrorism. I treat everybody equal. But you must understand India, of course. India is our neighbour. We must have good relations whether in war or in peace.
Q. Will the Comprehensive Economic Partnership Agreement go through with India soon?
A. This is what I just told you. Without the Cepa, the Indians are already working here. If you try to introduce it the way that people mind it... (that would be counterproductive). we cant enforce it by force. Let the businessmen decide and when they realise that this will benefit them. Then automatically they will push for it. I think that urge is taking shape now. PM Manmohan Singh understands this, too.
Q. Stepped up military ties with India now that the Tamil factor is no longer relevant? Would you start buying arms from India?
A. We don't need such arms now. When a shipload of arms arrived from China after the war — this was arms ordered by our friend Fonseka — I had to turn it back. We don't need that much of arms and ammunition anymore.
Q. How do you view the rise of China and what opportunities does it offer Sri Lanka?
A. My view is now India has taken up development in the whole North. A lot of railway line restoration there is done by the Indians. That doesn't mean Sri Lanka has been captured by India.
Now take Hambantota port. It was offered to India first. I was desperate for development work. But ultimately the Chinese agreed to build it. Take Treasury bonds. Who controls it? The bulk is invested by Americans. Now take sovereign bonds. Who controls it? The British. China is only doing development work. We have to pay back their loans.
Q. Every analyst talks of Hambantota. Will there be a Chinese naval base there one day?
A. I was interested in that harbour and port in Hambantota for the last 30 years. As I said my economic policy was not to develop only Colombo. I know that China is not interested in putting a naval base here. I will not allow this country to be used against any other country. Whether it is China, India, Pakistan... we are a non-aligned country.
Q. One complaint heard widely in the island is that there are too many Rajapaksas. What do you say to that?
A. Oh, that is true. But for that matter how many Kennedys were there in administration. Or Bushes. Or the Gandhis. I have only two brothers in administration.
Q. What are your hopes for your son Namal who is contesting the parliamentary poll next month? The official government website carries this line: 'If Sri Lanka is to develop at a rapid pace, Namal Rajapaksa should have the controlling authority.' Do you agree?
A. He has new ideas. But he has to be a back bencher. But knowing Namal he isn't using my name as such. He never accompanies me on my campaigns. He has his youth organisation for the last four or five years. When he was a student he wanted to join the party. I said, No, go study first. He quietly started this organisation and started working around the country. He has addressed 260 meetings alone and without party support. He didn't go to government television. He has gone on private television — a programme called 360 degrees — when asked to say how he wished to be known as, he said, my father was known in the 1970s as G. A. Rajapaksa's son. Now they call him Mahinda Rajapaksa's father. I want one day for the President to be called Namal's father.
Sri Lanka has received another nod as a top travel destination. National Geographic has listed Sri Lanka in its “25 Best New Trips for 2010.”
Ranked 20 in the list, Sri Lanka was one of only three other South Asian nations to make the list. Bhutan clinched the number one spot while Nepal was ranked 15.
In January, The New York Times chose Sri Lanka as its top pick in its list of “31 Places to Go in 2010.” The article itself attracted a lot of attention, both positive and negative. Topping the list of a prominent publication gave Sri Lanka much-needed recognition for jump-starting the tourism industry, a major economic sector, following the end of the war.
But the writer’s description of the “conflict” (as opposed to the war) as having “finally ended last May” and others such as the country being “one big tropical zoo” attracted criticism for portraying an unrealistic image of the South Asian nation that is recovering from decades of war.
One of the loudest comments came from M.I.A., the Grammy and Oscar-nominated rapper of Sri Lankan origin, whose Twitter post against the Times article was widely picked up by mainstream media.
In March,the Times published a follow-up story by Lionel Beehner, the same writer who wrote the description of Sri Lanka in the original January article. In the second article, titled “Checkpoints in Paradise,” Beehner appeared to have done a complete u-turn, going to great lengths to clarify some of the initial descriptions.
“Postwar societies, no matter how peaceful or picturesque on the surface, are inevitably complex places that still bear the scars of war, though some less overtly than others,” Beehner wrote. “Sri Lanka is no different,” he continued, admitting that he had received numerous “angry letters” after the first article.
The National Geographic description was brief but could also attract opposition with its depiction of the current situation: “After the tsunami of 2004 and the resolution of a decades-long civil war, Sri Lanka is finally starting to look like its old self.”
Perhaps more accurately described is what many say is unique about Sri Lanka: “Rare is the place you see rice paddies from the back of an elephant in the morning and ocean views from a mountaintop by midday.”
Despite the varying perceptions of the country’s political landscape, the country’s potential as a top travel destination is gaining notice – something frequent travelers to Sri Lanka have known for years, even during times of intense war.
“Let’s discount the politics and enjoy the country,” said Thikshan Arulampalam, a Sri Lankan from New York currently on a visit.
Sutirtho Patranobis - A scorching March heat is sweeping the Menik Farm camps for the internally displaced persons (IDPs).
In Zone II, tattered UN tents helplessly flap against the strong breeze as red dust swirls up like a thousand tiny tornadoes. Inside the 16 feet by six feet tents where a dozen would stay, the heat takes your breath away; outside, the temperature and dust makes it difficult to breathe.
UN and government officials admit that the shelf-life of the IDP tents is long over though they still shelter about 20,000 displaced Tamils in Zone II.
But it’s unlikely that their tents would be replaced. From December, the government’s focus has shifted from displacement to “resettlement” of those released from the camps.
“Distribution of ration has become irregular and hygiene kits are no longer available. Many of the (communal) toilets cannot be used anymore,’’ a public health inspector, said.
“In Menik Farm (Vavuniya)… funding shortages will affect humanitarian operations starting the end of February. This includes, among others, complementary food distribution, water bowsering, toilet maintenance and healthcare provision,’’ an UN report recently said.
The remaining IDPs are, however, putting their heads down and living their hard lives in the hope of getting released from the camps, soon.
But how different is the life of a ‘resettled’ IDP?
HT met few resettled families in Kilinochchi last week. They have been given Rs 5,000 (Sri Lankan) in cash and promised another Rs 20,000 and some basic provisions like tarpaulin sheets and cooking utensils. A weekly ration of rice, flour and sugar is given as well.
The families of Kanikarasa and Kamaladevi were standing on the rubble of their former homes in Kilinochchi.
“Our homes were destroyed in the fighting. We have to rebuild from scratch. But first, I have to look for a job,’’ a family head said.
Nearby, S Silvadasan and his two neighbours of 22 years were tightening the poles of their three adjoining tents — where there homes once were. “There is nothing left. But we are happy to be out of the camps,’’ he said.
On the stretch of the A9 highway between Vavuniya and Jaffna, hundreds of released IDP families have put up flimsy tents or taken shelter in broken houses. After months in camps, they now have the freedom of movement. But little else.
In government statistics, these families have been resettled. In reality, it will take years for their uprooted lives to be anchored.
B. Muralidhar Reddy - The United Nation’s Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon has said that he is going ahead with his proposal for a panel of experts on Sri Lanka as part of an accountability process following the end of the civil war in island nation despite vehement objections from Colombo and defended it on the ground that the panel would not infringe on the country’s sovereignty.
A report posted on the UN News Centre web site quoted Mr. Ban Ki-Moon as telling reporters at his routine monthly news conference that the establishment of the panel is in line with a joint statement he issued with Sri Lankan President Mahinda Rajapaksa during his visit to the country last May.
Since the defeat of the LTTE, the government has been engaged in war of words with all those who have demanding a commission to investigate alleged human rights violations in the war and repeatedly pointed to the resolution by the Human Rights Commission lauding Sri Lanka on the issue.
After Mr. Rajapaksa personally spoke to Mr. Ban Ki-Moon describing the move on experts panel as 'uncalled for and unwarranted’, Sri Lanka had also reached out to several countries in a bid to stall the UN experts panel. Last week Chair of the Coordinating Bureau of the Non-Aligned Movement, Ambassador and Permanent Representative Maged A. Abdelaziz in his letter to Mr. Ban said: “The Non-Aligned Movement strongly condemns selective targeting of individual countries which it deems contrary to the Founding Principles of the Movement and the United Nations Charter.
In his latest interaction with the media at New York Mr. Ban Ki-Moon has been quoted as saying, “This joint statement contained a commitment related to ensuring an accountability process for addressing violations of international humanitarian and human rights laws,” he said in response to questions from reporters at his monthly press conference at UN Headquarters in New York.
“The panel I am establishing will advise me on the standards, benchmarks and parameters, based on international experience, that must guide any accountability process such as the one mentioned in the joint statement. Now this panel will report to me directly and not to another body.”
Mr. Ban said a recent letter on the subject he received from the Non-Aligned Movement (NAM) indicated “there is a misunderstanding on the nature and purpose” of the experts’ panel.
“I am convinced that it is well within my power as Secretary-General of the United Nations to ask such a body to furnish me with their advice of this nature. This does not in any way infringe on the sovereignty of Sri Lanka.”
Last week the UN chief voiced concern about the lack of progress on political reconciliation, the treatment of internally displaced persons (IDPs) and the setting up of an accountability process since he reached the joint statement with Mr. Rajapaksa.
Earlier this month Mr. Ban had what he described as “a frank and honest exchange of views” by telephone with Mr. Rajapaksa. Since the ballot was held the runner-up candidate, General Sarath Fonseka, has been arrested and faces trial.
B. Lynn Pascoe, the Under-Secretary-General for Political Affairs, is slated to soon head to Sri Lanka for talks with senior officials in the Government.
By Bharatha Mallawarachi - Judges presiding over the court-martial of Sri Lanka's former army chief indefinitely postponed a hearing into one of two allegations against him Wednesday, a defense attorney said.
Sarath Fonseka, who led Sri Lanka to victory in its decades-long civil war but then fell out of favor after unsuccessfully challenging President Mahinda Rajapaksa's re-election bid, is already facing charges he dabbled in opposition politics before retiring from the military last year.
Reporters are barred from the court-martial, which started Tuesday, but defense attorney Nuwan Bopage said the panel of three army officers on the bench postponed Wednesday's hearing and will ask Rajapaksa whether a new panel should be asked to hear the second charge.
The officers did not give a reason for their decision, he said.
The army said in a statement that the court-martial would reconvene for the sake of transparency and maintaining "an unprejudiced nature."
Fonseka appeared before the court-martial Tuesday on accusations he prepared the groundwork for his January presidential campaign, which he lost badly, while still in military uniform. The charge to be heard Wednesday related to accusations Fonseka breached procedure in purchasing military hardware.
Fonseka has questioned the impartiality of the judges, saying the panel included two men whom Fonseka had disciplined when he ran the army.
The panel's third member was a close relative of the current army commander who initiated the court-martial, Fonseka's lawyers said.
Government officials have accused Fonseka of plotting to assassinate Rajapaksa and capture power, but those are not among the official charges.
Fonseka's supporters say the government is punishing the retired general for challenging Rajapaksa and is attempting to cow the opposition before April 8 parliamentary elections. Despite his detention, Fonseka is running for a parliamentary seat.
Rajapaksa and Fonseka were once strong allies in their campaign to defeat the Tamil Tiger rebels and end their 25-year armed campaign for an independent state.
After routing the rebels last May, the leaders quickly turned on each other.
A leaked list – believed to be compiled by the Sri Lankan intelligence unit – has revealed the names of 35 leading journalists and NGO officers of interest to the country’s secret services.
The list then grades each of them according to their importance to the intelligence services.
Amnesty International fears that the leak was a deliberate move by the government to intimidate and harass journalists in the country.
Mike Blakemore, Media Director of Amnesty International UK, said:
“Such a blatant leak can have only one purpose and that is to intimidate those individuals on the list and deter anyone from speaking to them.
“Journalists are often at the forefront of protecting and defending individuals’ human rights. It is their bravery that can help expose abuses and bring them to an end.
“Sri Lanka needs to respect media freedom and allow human rights defenders to go about their work freely and without harassment.”
Amnesty International is calling on all its supporters to write to the Sri Lankan authorities expressing their concern for the safety and well-being of the 35 people on the list.
Two human rights defenders, Dr Paikiasothy Saravanamuttu and J C Weliamuna, are at particular risk.
Dr Paikiasothy Saravanamuttu, executive director of the Sri Lankan NGO, the Centre for Policy Alternatives, and J C Weliamuna, Sri Lanka director of international NGO Transparency International, have both been threatened previously and are graded as being of great interest to the intelligence services on the list. Other colleagues from their organisations are also named.
Background:
In September 2008, a grenade was thrown at the house of J C Weliamuna, damaging property but causing no injuries. That attack was thought to be in retaliation for his legal representation of clients in human rights cases where the Defence Ministry was implicated. Despite demands from local and international human rights groups, there was no credible inquiry into this attack.
An article on 20 February in the national daily newspaper, Sri Lanka Guardian, reporting on a meeting between President Mahinda Rajapaksa and a group of ruling Sri Lanka Freedom Party lawyers, singled out J C Weliamuna, specifically, saying “something must be done about him”.
Meanwhile, Dr Paikiasothy Saravanamuttu received a death threat via an anonymous letter posted to his home in August 2009.
At least 14 media workers have been killed in Sri Lanka since the beginning of 2006. Others have been arbitrarily detained, tortured and allegedly disappeared while in the custody of security forces. More than 20 journalists have left the country in response to death threats. None of these attacks has been properly investigated or prosecuted.
Sri Lankan journalists have given Amnesty a list of 56 of their colleagues who face serious threats, including some working for the government-owned Sri Lanka Broadcasting Corporation, as well as the Independent Television Network, Lak Hada and the Lake House Group.
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