Sri Lankan media groups Thursday protested against the arrest of a reporter close to Sarath Fonseka, the detained ex-army chief who tried to unseat the president in recent elections.
The groups issued a joint statement demanding the release of Ruwan Weerakoon, a reporter with the Nation newspaper, who was arrested this week.
"We request the Inspector General of Police to disclose the reasons behind the arrest and detention of Ruwan Weerakoon and make arrangements for him to receive legal aid immediately," the statement added.
Weerakoon maintained close contact with Fonseka when the general led the military during the final phase of last year's war against Tamil Tiger rebels.
Fonseka was an ally of President Mahinda Rajapakse when the rebel Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) were crushed in May, but the two men later fell out and contested the presidency in January's elections.
Fonseka was arrested soon after losing the poll and appeared in front of a court martial this week. The case was adjourned.
Local and international rights groups have accused Rajapakse of cracking down on dissent, a charge the government has denied.
Sri Lanka's five media organisations have condemned the arrest of defense correspondent Ruwan Weerakoon, who worked for The Nation and the Bottom Line newspapers in Colombo and Asia Tribune website, by the Terrorist Investigation Division (TID) few days ago and demand his immediate release. The joint statement was issued by Sri Lanka Working Journalists Association (SLWJA), Free Media Movement (FMM), Sri Lanka Tamil Journalists Alliance (SLTJA), Sri Lanka Muslim Media Forum (SLMFF) and Federation of Media Employee Trade Union (FMEPU).
"As a defense correspondent journalist Ruwan Weerakoon had a close association with General( Rtd.)Sarath Fonseka during the last phase of the war with LTTE and it was reported that because of this association he received death threats from a navy commander in early 2009. In our opinion the arrest of Ruwan Weerakoon, which seems to be a politically motivated victimization is direct result of his journalism practice" the statement said.
"We request the Inspector General of Police to disclose the reasons behind the arrest and detention of Ruwan Weerakoon and make arrangements for him to receive legal aid immediately, if the TID intends to keep him in detention.
"It was just a month ago the president Mahinda Rajapaksha ordered police to inform him before arresting any media personal. Our organisations would like to know whether that procedure was followed in arresting Ruwan Weerakoon and presidential consent was obtain for the arrest."
Ravi Vellore - In August 2008, after spending a week in Colombo, I stuck my neck out to suggest in a long article for the Straits Times that Sri Lanka's long drawn civil war may finally be heading for a close.
At the time some thought I was too optimistic. The Tigers were considered invincible. But the Tamil Tiger "headquarters" of Killinochchi fell in late December and suddenly the world sat up and took notice of an entirely new scenario developing on the island.
In May last year, I was in Colombo again when Sri Lankan troops fished out Tiger supremo Velupillai Prabhakaran's body from a lagoon.
Alongside, the army had managed to wipe out the entire leadership of the Tigers, who had, suprisingly for a guerilla force, apparently congregated at one location.
The exact circumstances of the end of the war will never be known for years. Some say the Tigers were eliminated even as they sought a surrender.
The end of the war was followed by a surge of majority-Sinhala triumphalism with huge cutouts of President Rajapaksa, Defence Secretary Gotabaya and army chief Sarath Fonseka appearing all over the populous central and south of the island.
Those posters have now disappeared. The Rajapaksas fell out with their former army chief, who then unsuccessfully mounted a political challenge for the presidency.
Fonseka was subsequently bounced out of his party office and is currently undergoing court martial.
This week, President Rajapaksa received me in his Temple Trees residence on Colombo's Galle Road for what his advisers called a "nice, long chat."
Sitting with Central Bank Governor Cabraal, Secretary to President Lalith Weeratunge and Information Director Lucien Rajakarunanayake, Mr Rajapaksa spoke for two hours in a formal interview during which he pulled no punches. He then took me indoors for an hour long informal conversation over lunch.
Here are some excerpts from the interview:
Q. What would be topmost on your agenda after the poll? With the presidential and parliamentary polls out of the way you have an open road for five years.
A. Of course, the peace settlement is a must. Then there is the economic challenge. In the four years I was president I have doubled per capita income to US$2,014 (S$2,806). My target is to double this to US$4,000 by the end of my tenure in office. Remember this took place was when the war was on. With infrastructure, development, we can do it.
We had noticed that all the development was taking place in Colombo and its neighbourhood. I think this was because all the leaders were from Colombo (guffawing). They gave roads, electricity, good schools... were only in Colombo. My intention is to build the rural economy through infrastructure. Which is why Hambantota.
Q. You are consciously shifting some of the economic weight to the South?
A. Yes, well to the whole country, including the North and South.
Q. So, there might be an international airport in Jaffna some day?
A. Yes, we might be able to do it. In the old days we used to fly from Jaffna to Tiruchy in India. At the moment I am developing the airport in the South. We will see after we finish that. Palaly airfield in Jaffna is now an air force base. If these mad fellows give up their Eelam dream — which will never happen as long as I am here — we can think about it. They must give that up.
Q. Are these pro-LTTE people still active?
A. It is more outside Sri Lanka than within the country. There are (expatriate Tamil) people living on this Eelam thing. They have their own agenda. They live on this. And the people who are collecting money abroad for the LTTE have lost their living because Tamils are not willing to contribute funds anymore. So, they want something to happen here to impress and activate them.
Many Tamils want to come back. The second generation and third generation Tamils aren't Sri Lankans really. They can't speak a word of Tamil or Sinhala. It's true for Sinhalese outside as well. But a lot of the educated people who went abroad, they have come here. From Canada I had a lawyer... leads a very comfortable life there, but he wants to come and invest and work here.
Right-thinking people know they can come and do business here. In Colombo, business is largely controlled by Tamils. We had 90 per cent Sinhalese some 30 years ago, but now the Sinhalese are 27 per cent. The approach to my house is lined by Muslim Tamil homes on both sides. The other day I called all of them into my home for a meal.
Q. What is this model Sri Lanka you have in mind?
A. To be a hub for education, for aviation. shipping, communications and tourism. We are building five ports around the country. We are expanding Colombo Port, we are building Hambantota. There is Kankesanthurai in the North. And we aren't mentioning Trincomalee because it is a naval base at the moment. We are building a new international airport after 60 years.
When I went to Kandy they said you are building ports and airports in Hambantota but you aren't giving us anything. I said if you can bring the sea through the Mahaveli irrigation project I can consider a port for you. One can think of a seaplane facility at the Victioria Reservoir. I am surprised at some of the things that even educated people can say.
Q. You wrote about a "full reconciliation program". What does this mean?
A. This is what I believe. That without peace, there is no development. And without development, there is no peace. You go to a village or a farm and go to a student or a man who is in a relief camp and ask him. Do you want constitutional amendments? Their answer invariably is: 'We want a house', or 'we want to educate my child. We want electricity.' This is what they will ask.
If you develop these areas there will be a new generation that will emerge and new politicians. This is why I went for elections knowing that people in the north of Sri Lanka will not support me. Actually I was surprised I got a quarter of the votes polled there. I went there, spoke to them in Tamil. They knew development was coming. It shows development has value.
Q. What would be the political contours of this program? What pieces do you need to put in place in order to get there?
A. This is what I want to discuss with the new MPs after the election.
I visited a refugee camp once for a function. A Colombo lawyer who was supporting us said if the North and Eastern provinces could be merged that would help us. I was listening. At that point a young man got up and said: Sir, please don't divide the country again. We were traitors to our country. Better keep us under one umbrella. So, in my speech, I said he gave the answer. I will not merge North and East, I shall merge the whole country. If we concede to the merger call, the Muslims will ask for a province. After that, the Burghers could come, and there other communities, too.
Q. Even so, isn't there some merit in the federalist principle as a solution? It has worked in India, in Switzerland.
A. Federalism is a dirty word in Sri Lanka. It is linked so much with separation. If I want to leave politics and go home, the best way is to talk of federalism. They won't accept me after that. I am a politician, no? The actual situation is, see this country. This is not an India, a huge country. You cannot forget the history of Sri Lanka.
Right now, just because all the Chief Ministers are from my party, I have some control over them. But they do have enormous powers. They even have Security Council meetings. If you give them the powers they will do whatever they want. They might say Indian Tamils cannot come here… to their areas.
Q. What about implementing the 13th Amendment? Especially, handing over police powers and control over land to Provincial Council governments?
A. We must discuss with them. The 13th Amendment is there. Other than the police powers we have given them all the powers to the provincial councils. We have nothing to do with land. What can I do when there has been no Provincial Council in North? But there must be some (central) control. I have seen people even giving away irrigation reservoirs to friends and business partners to be filled up.
As for police powers, knowing my people, I would say, please do not devolve that power. See what happened when Sonia Gandhi went to Uttar Pradesh (and Chief Minister Mayawati, who is opposed to the Congress party, denied her permission to enter her constituency). They are fighting for control of the police. You know, chief ministers are chief ministers.
I have learnt from India. You think I would make the same mistake? See what happened in Mumbai. It took eight hours to fly in the National Security Guard commandos because they needed the requisite permissions.
Q. What options are opening up now there is peace?
A. We are a non-aligned country. That is our approach. I do not have to shape policy as such. Anybody who helped me I was ready to accept. But unfortunately, the countries decided on themselves not to help us in development work or in the fight against terrorism. I treat everybody equal. But you must understand India, of course. India is our neighbour. We must have good relations whether in war or in peace.
Q. Will the Comprehensive Economic Partnership Agreement go through with India soon?
A. This is what I just told you. Without the Cepa, the Indians are already working here. If you try to introduce it the way that people mind it... (that would be counterproductive). we cant enforce it by force. Let the businessmen decide and when they realise that this will benefit them. Then automatically they will push for it. I think that urge is taking shape now. PM Manmohan Singh understands this, too.
Q. Stepped up military ties with India now that the Tamil factor is no longer relevant? Would you start buying arms from India?
A. We don't need such arms now. When a shipload of arms arrived from China after the war — this was arms ordered by our friend Fonseka — I had to turn it back. We don't need that much of arms and ammunition anymore.
Q. How do you view the rise of China and what opportunities does it offer Sri Lanka?
A. My view is now India has taken up development in the whole North. A lot of railway line restoration there is done by the Indians. That doesn't mean Sri Lanka has been captured by India.
Now take Hambantota port. It was offered to India first. I was desperate for development work. But ultimately the Chinese agreed to build it. Take Treasury bonds. Who controls it? The bulk is invested by Americans. Now take sovereign bonds. Who controls it? The British. China is only doing development work. We have to pay back their loans.
Q. Every analyst talks of Hambantota. Will there be a Chinese naval base there one day?
A. I was interested in that harbour and port in Hambantota for the last 30 years. As I said my economic policy was not to develop only Colombo. I know that China is not interested in putting a naval base here. I will not allow this country to be used against any other country. Whether it is China, India, Pakistan... we are a non-aligned country.
Q. One complaint heard widely in the island is that there are too many Rajapaksas. What do you say to that?
A. Oh, that is true. But for that matter how many Kennedys were there in administration. Or Bushes. Or the Gandhis. I have only two brothers in administration.
Q. What are your hopes for your son Namal who is contesting the parliamentary poll next month? The official government website carries this line: 'If Sri Lanka is to develop at a rapid pace, Namal Rajapaksa should have the controlling authority.' Do you agree?
A. He has new ideas. But he has to be a back bencher. But knowing Namal he isn't using my name as such. He never accompanies me on my campaigns. He has his youth organisation for the last four or five years. When he was a student he wanted to join the party. I said, No, go study first. He quietly started this organisation and started working around the country. He has addressed 260 meetings alone and without party support. He didn't go to government television. He has gone on private television — a programme called 360 degrees — when asked to say how he wished to be known as, he said, my father was known in the 1970s as G. A. Rajapaksa's son. Now they call him Mahinda Rajapaksa's father. I want one day for the President to be called Namal's father.
Sri Lanka has received another nod as a top travel destination. National Geographic has listed Sri Lanka in its “25 Best New Trips for 2010.”
Ranked 20 in the list, Sri Lanka was one of only three other South Asian nations to make the list. Bhutan clinched the number one spot while Nepal was ranked 15.
In January, The New York Times chose Sri Lanka as its top pick in its list of “31 Places to Go in 2010.” The article itself attracted a lot of attention, both positive and negative. Topping the list of a prominent publication gave Sri Lanka much-needed recognition for jump-starting the tourism industry, a major economic sector, following the end of the war.
But the writer’s description of the “conflict” (as opposed to the war) as having “finally ended last May” and others such as the country being “one big tropical zoo” attracted criticism for portraying an unrealistic image of the South Asian nation that is recovering from decades of war.
One of the loudest comments came from M.I.A., the Grammy and Oscar-nominated rapper of Sri Lankan origin, whose Twitter post against the Times article was widely picked up by mainstream media.
In March,the Times published a follow-up story by Lionel Beehner, the same writer who wrote the description of Sri Lanka in the original January article. In the second article, titled “Checkpoints in Paradise,” Beehner appeared to have done a complete u-turn, going to great lengths to clarify some of the initial descriptions.
“Postwar societies, no matter how peaceful or picturesque on the surface, are inevitably complex places that still bear the scars of war, though some less overtly than others,” Beehner wrote. “Sri Lanka is no different,” he continued, admitting that he had received numerous “angry letters” after the first article.
The National Geographic description was brief but could also attract opposition with its depiction of the current situation: “After the tsunami of 2004 and the resolution of a decades-long civil war, Sri Lanka is finally starting to look like its old self.”
Perhaps more accurately described is what many say is unique about Sri Lanka: “Rare is the place you see rice paddies from the back of an elephant in the morning and ocean views from a mountaintop by midday.”
Despite the varying perceptions of the country’s political landscape, the country’s potential as a top travel destination is gaining notice – something frequent travelers to Sri Lanka have known for years, even during times of intense war.
“Let’s discount the politics and enjoy the country,” said Thikshan Arulampalam, a Sri Lankan from New York currently on a visit.
Sutirtho Patranobis - A scorching March heat is sweeping the Menik Farm camps for the internally displaced persons (IDPs).
In Zone II, tattered UN tents helplessly flap against the strong breeze as red dust swirls up like a thousand tiny tornadoes. Inside the 16 feet by six feet tents where a dozen would stay, the heat takes your breath away; outside, the temperature and dust makes it difficult to breathe.
UN and government officials admit that the shelf-life of the IDP tents is long over though they still shelter about 20,000 displaced Tamils in Zone II.
But it’s unlikely that their tents would be replaced. From December, the government’s focus has shifted from displacement to “resettlement” of those released from the camps.
“Distribution of ration has become irregular and hygiene kits are no longer available. Many of the (communal) toilets cannot be used anymore,’’ a public health inspector, said.
“In Menik Farm (Vavuniya)… funding shortages will affect humanitarian operations starting the end of February. This includes, among others, complementary food distribution, water bowsering, toilet maintenance and healthcare provision,’’ an UN report recently said.
The remaining IDPs are, however, putting their heads down and living their hard lives in the hope of getting released from the camps, soon.
But how different is the life of a ‘resettled’ IDP?
HT met few resettled families in Kilinochchi last week. They have been given Rs 5,000 (Sri Lankan) in cash and promised another Rs 20,000 and some basic provisions like tarpaulin sheets and cooking utensils. A weekly ration of rice, flour and sugar is given as well.
The families of Kanikarasa and Kamaladevi were standing on the rubble of their former homes in Kilinochchi.
“Our homes were destroyed in the fighting. We have to rebuild from scratch. But first, I have to look for a job,’’ a family head said.
Nearby, S Silvadasan and his two neighbours of 22 years were tightening the poles of their three adjoining tents — where there homes once were. “There is nothing left. But we are happy to be out of the camps,’’ he said.
On the stretch of the A9 highway between Vavuniya and Jaffna, hundreds of released IDP families have put up flimsy tents or taken shelter in broken houses. After months in camps, they now have the freedom of movement. But little else.
In government statistics, these families have been resettled. In reality, it will take years for their uprooted lives to be anchored.
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